An interview in 1950

Pertinent to this aspect is the brief but significant reference to the special interviews granted during later years by Sri Aurobindo to some of the prominent political figures of the time, dignitaries like KM Munshi,—he was Sri Aurobindo’s student in Baroda,—CR Reddy, Surendra Mohan Ghose, etc. We must also mention here that Surendra Mohan was very keen that Sri Aurobindo should consent to have an interview with Mahatma Gandhi which he did but, unfortunately, it did not materialise. “Fate stepped in and foiled what could have been a momentous meeting,” says Nirodbaran. Perhaps it was not meant to be. Perhaps Fate saw that it did not happen. There were also a number of important letters Sri Aurobindo had dictated during this period.

 

Apropos of India’s partition and the forces that worked behind it, we have the account by Munshi based on what Sri Aurobindo had told him in the course of an interview in 1950. India’s integrity and spiritual destiny always remained the concern of Sri Aurobindo. In the course of the interview, Munshi was taken aback when Sri Aurobindo surprised him with the unexpected question: “When do you expect India to be united?” He himself then said: “India will be united. I see it clearly. Pakistan has been created by falsehood, fraud and force. It must be brought under India's military ambit.” He went out of his way and spoke of the military ambit.

 

Today we dismiss those words as time-barred, forgetting that he had put his yogic force in them in the context of what he saw as falsehood and fraud. By forgetting them, we are entrenching ourselves more and more into falsehood and fraud. We are strengthening falsehood and fraud more and more. Has the power which Sri Aurobindo put in his words waned and disappeared? Or is it that we are putting more and more obstacles in its working? It seems there is no end to our stupidity.

 

In this context we have to only remember the Nehru-Liaquat Pact and the Pakistan government’s refusal to sign a joint declaration, stating that in no event should there be recourse to war. This was on the political level; we don’t know things that were present in the occult world. Therefore, when Sri Aurobindo spoke of the military ambit then, surely, it meant that there was a distinct possibility at that time, but it didn’t materialize,—because the lamps were not kept trimmed in the Hour of God, because we were not ready to receive the gifts of the three Mothers, because we had no conviction in the words of the Avatar. One recoils despicably when there is the disregard for things that come from knowledge founded on the workings of the spirit.

 

But we should not take Sri Aurobindo as “Read-Only Text” frozen for all time without the contents of dynamism in time. We should lend ourselves to its dynamism, to its tangible efficacy. Sri Aurobindo wrote in a letter to a disciple that India’s marching to East Bengal and war in Kashmir would have resulted in the end of Partition. “The object we had in view would have been within the sight of achievement.” It is at times said that in the present conditions it makes more sense to work to achieve a culture of spiritual unity in India rather than the unification of India and Pakistan. But to speak of spirituality where there is falsehood is to be ignorant of things.

 

Let us recall one of the early conversations Sri Aurobindo had with his disciples, as recorded by AB Purani in the Evening Talks, in 1923. It brings out one specific aspect of the Hindu-Muslim unity. About the Muslims, Sri Aurobindo says that their fanatic faith in their religion is harmful to everybody, even for themselves. It is necessary that they inculcate liberal ideas, of right and liberty. The mildness of the Hindus has always given way in the face of the Muslim aggressive approach. The best solution would be to allow the Hindus to organize themselves and the Hindu-Muslim unity would take care of itself; it would automatically solve the problem. Here is the clue available to us. Though spoken in 1923, its fundamental truth, of liberal ideas for the Muslims and the Hindus organizing themselves, remains valid even today.

 

The Khilafat question

In contrast to that, Mahatma Gandhi had different views. Take the example of the Ottoman Empire. It was breaking down at the end of the First World War. But in India it was seen as a blow to the prestige of Islam. Therefore, it became a part of political calculation to oppose the move. Thus was born the harmful Khilafat movement. In the context of the freedom struggle, Mahatma Gandhi writes about it as follows: “To the Musalmans Swaraj means, as it must, India’s ability to deal effectively with the Khilafat question.” He further adds: “It is impossible not to sympathise with this attitude… I would gladly ask for postponement of the Swaraj activity if we could advance the interest of the Khilafat.” What was in the Ottoman Empire that we should have sold ourselves for it? When the Western world was making tremendous strides in different branches of learning, in science, technology, industry, commerce, here was a decadent regime that had outlived its purpose. Khilafat could not be more precious than Swaraj. In it India’s freedom had a lower priority. In it India was denied India’s nationhood. This was unfortunate, if not calamitous. Today to speak of it is blasphemy.

 

Sri Aurobindo saw the necessity of the freedom of India differently. For him India was not an inert piece of matter. He saw in her a mighty Shakti. He called that Shakti India. She was for him Bhavani Bharati. He knew her as the Mother and worshipped her so. How could he rest content if she remained chained? How could he postpone her freedom even for a day? He entered into politics to get into the mind of the people a settled will for freedom. When he saw that the freedom of India was an assured fact, he moved on to greater issues, issues of existence itself. For that he attempted all and, in the process, achieved all. He invoked the supreme grace to descend and transform the lot of our mortality. The grace has come down to bestow on us the boons of her plenty and prosperity. We have to only open ourselves to her wonderful gifts of happiness. That is the expectation from us.

 

Are we awake?

But what about today? Are we awake? Maybe we are just emerging out of the distasteful sleep of history. But we have not yet shed the dullness of the night which is still weighing heavily on our souls. We have not recovered our true and proper national identity. We are still slaves of habits that have no business to persist. In every field of our activity we want to be a la mode, adapting ideas and manners of the industrially advanced societies. We are apish. We are copyists, twice removed from reality; we are a copy of copy. And, then, a corrupt society can never be creative. Imitative societies can never be taken seriously. Once a young French student wrote: “The pyramids have been eroded by the desert wind, the marble broken by earthquakes, and gold stolen by the robbers. But the Veda is recited daily by an unbroken chain of generations.”

 

But today we have lost contact with the Veda. We are importing ideas from the Western masters. We are adopting their models. We are after the “winner’s version” of life, the so-called life. We have been looking outside India for everything—ideas, values, comforts, jobs, opportunities. We want to have food as prepared in ‘advanced’ countries. The socio-political system we have embraced is not really our own. We need a Mountbatten to solve—or is it to create?—a Kashmir problem. We have mortgaged our thinking, as if to please alien masters. We take pride in the family, in dynasty, not in the country.

 

The Pakistan Resolution

In this context let us recall the historical proceedings of the March 1940 All India Muslim League annual session held at Minto Park, Lahore, paving the path of the Lahore Resolution or the Pakistan Resolution. Jinnah first narrated the sequel of events preceding the conference and continued to present his own solution of the Muslim problem. He said that “the problem of India was not of an inter-communal nature, but manifestly an inter-national one and must be treated as such.” This implied the creation of two states based on religious division.

 

In Jinnah’s words, “Hindus and Muslims derive their inspiration from different sources of history. They have different epics, different heroes and different episodes. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the other, and likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built up for the government of such a state.”

 

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was the first exponent of the Two-Nation Theory in the modern era. “He believed that India was a continent and not a country, and that among the vast population of different races and different creeds, Hindus and Muslims were the two major nations on the basis of nationality, religion, way-of-life, customs, traditions, culture and historical conditions.”

 

In the 1944 Gandhi-Jinnah talks, Gandhi told Jinnah that “he had come in his personal capacity and was representing neither the Hindus nor the Congress. Gandhi's real purpose behind these talks was to extract from Jinnah an admission that the whole proposition of Pakistan was absurd.” But, again, Jinnah maintained “that Muslims and Hindus are two major nations by any definition or test of a nation. We are a nation of a 100 million. We have our distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all the canons of international law, we are a nation.” Gandhi, on the other hand, held that India was one nation and saw in the Pakistan Resolution “nothing but ruin for the whole of India. If, however, Pakistan had to be conceded, the areas in which the Muslims are in an absolute majority should be demarcated by a commission approved by both the Congress and the Muslim League. The wishes of the people of these areas will be obtained through referendum. These areas shall form a separate state as soon as possible after India is free from foreign domination. There shall be a treaty of separation which should also provide for the efficient and satisfactory administration of foreign affairs, defense, internal communication, custom and the like which must necessarily continue to be the matters of common interest between the contracting countries.” This was not acceptable to Jinnah; in fact he saw in it a ploy to thwart the expectations of the Muslims when the British would leave the country. He argued that the referendum would be manipulated by the majority Hindus. Jinnah was bent upon the creation of an independent Muslim state.

 

The Indian Independence Act

The British Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act on 18 July 1947. The Act created two dominions, Indian Union and Pakistan. It also provided for the complete end of British control over Indian affairs from 15 August 1947.

 

Thus was the deed done. But let us read what Irfan Husain, in Jinnah’s Dawn coming from Karachi, wrote recently about the plight of the Muslims in the world: “The truth is that the problems we face in much of the Muslim world are often so intractable that we escape reality by looking abroad. Matters like poverty, disease, political instability and institutional meltdown are too difficult to be tackled by the inefficient and corrupt elites much of the Muslim world is cursed with. To deflect blame, they fulminate against the West for its perceived anti-Islamic attitudes.”

 

However, let us get back to India. Today India is free. Her freedom was god-ordained. Exceptional souls had come here to make it a reality. They came and paid the price for winning it. They came and did National Tapasya. They have done their splendid bit and now we must attend to our duties. We must perform the duties in the greatness of our national spirit. The living spirit of the country will undoubtedly lead us to truer glories, only if we go by it. Freedom has come, but we have forgotten the Veda. We no longer remember the spirit that had inspired us to live and grow in the nobility of the nation. We are as yet slaves to others. The Macaulayan hold on our minds has not disappeared.

 

During the colonial days there was a set of people who thought that, for them, there should always be an England in India. Now there is a similar group which thinks that, there should be for the neo-professionals and neo-elite an America in India. There should be for them American banks, American industries, American management, American institutions, even American restaurants and American food. Bangalore must be San Jose.

 

Where is authentic nationalism?

No wonder, we lack the spirit of authentic nationalism. No wonder we do not have our own programmes. We are ashamed of singing the National Anthem in the company of foreigners. We do not have our own priorities. No wonder that, we do not have our own science, our own literature, our own national life. There can be Indian life only when India recovers its Indianness. That is the imperative. When we Indians shall live according to the nation’s swabhāva and swadharma, then only will there be India’s happy fulfilment. Indians must know India. They shall prove the heroes who will steal the Promethean fire from the Hearth of the Spirit. We are looking for adventurers marching in celebration of the Truth. Only from the Fire of Sacrifice, National Yajna, can India rise to lead the countries of the world, assert herself in the march of mankind.

 

We do not have men “fit for the times”. But there is the expectation that the soul of the country shall awake. It shall arise from the Yajna of the Tapasvins. It shall arise like a radiant goddess. The ancient Rishis lived in the forests, but one-sixth of their tapasya went as a state tax for the welfare of the land. It is that which sustained every excellence of the society. We have to do that kind of national tapasya.

 

We Indians believe that everything should be done for us by the government. We do not tell what we are going to do for the country. We forget that religion is not a state subject; nor is education, nor can be arts and literature and sports and advancement of knowledge. Organisation of Art and Culture activities by a government office is a strange laughable matter. Never will a dynamic society allow these things to happen. A government’s concern should be governance. It is the society that has to build cultural foundations. It has to put forward progressive social aims. It has to generate awareness to fulfil its own longings. It must do things in the nobility of its creative-expressive spirit.

 

The native power of the spirit

India must hearken to the call of her national dharma. She was alive, says Sri Aurobindo, to the greatness of material laws and forces. She also saw the invisible that surrounds the visible. She knows that man has power to exceed himself. She saw the myriad gods beyond man, God beyond the gods, and beyond God his own ineffable eternity. Then with a calm audacity of her intuition she declared that man could grow in the spirit, become a god, become one with God, become the ineffable Brahman. Man’s manhood lies in becoming godly.

 

This means that we must get back to the native power of the spirit. We must discover it and live in it. This is the great agenda for us to work upon. If spiritual unfolding is the hidden truth, then man as he is cannot be the last term of this evolution. His mind is capable of opening to what exceeds it. Therefore there is a possibility that man will arrive at supermanhood. This is what Sri Aurobindo asserts. It is towards it that the Mother had been working all along. The authentic post-human potentials find their meaning and contents in such a possibility.

 

When this is recognised and carried out, we might say that we stand on the verge of the last definitive transformation. When it is achieved, the passage of the soul through the abyss of ignorance shall get terminated, leading it into the realms of knowledge. Supramental Truth and Light and Force shall descend. This shall open out the way for the appearance of the gnostic life upon the earth. The epiphanic possibilities of the spirit shall become a part of the evolutionary growth and manifestation. That will be the beginning of the new era in the evolutionary history of the earth.

 

The possibilities of the future

Sri Aurobindo presented his world-vision and God-vision in the possibilities of the future of the human race in the very opening issue of the monthly philosophical review Arya that he launched on 15 August 1914. It begins as follows: “The earliest preoccupation of man in his awakened thoughts and, as it seems, his inevitable and ultimate preoccupation… is also the highest which his thought can envisage. It manifests itself in the divination of Godhead, the impulse towards perfection, the search after pure Truth and unmixed Bliss, the sense of a secret immortality.”

 

The formula of God, Light, Freedom, Immortality was discovered long ages ago, and many were the attempts made for its application in the course of evolving cycles of human destiny, cycles turning through rough and strenuous, even recalcitrant times. Great religions came, philosophies sprang up, and social institutions busied themselves to advance the cause of man, even as deeper esoteric pursuits brought fruits of unexpected wonders. However, this “transient and sorrowful world” has yet remained sorrowful and transient. Stretched and tortuous has been the path on which imperious history marched. Thinkers and saints and prophets moulded the destiny of mankind and took it nearer and yet nearer towards its seemingly unattainable goal. But, unfortunately, all these thousand ceaseless strivings have been, at their best, only partially successful. We are still struggling to meet God in God’s vast creation.

 

In recent times, the problem of humanity’s prospects is posed in a different manner—as a fixating aspect of post-human destinies for the advancement of human capabilities and human expectations. Very often the tremendous gains of our science and technology are taken as reassuring gains to bring to man and society the marvels of some unknown but rewarding satisfaction and abundance. It is vigorously claimed that Aldous Huxley’s “human potential” will be in a position to deliver all the wonderful goods man endeavours to have. The development of human faculties, including the tools of cognition, is no doubt a very desirable step in the direction of man’s progress; but there is no clue whatsoever in the thesis of human potential belonging to the social and intellectual milieu, nothing in its claim for happiness and in its creativity to suggest that his own assets and capabilities can actually take him beyond himself. The “human potential” approach might sound perfectly rational, but that itself is its severe limitation.

 

The human potential

The human potential movement basically emphasises the so-called secular individual values and human capabilities within its understandable boundaries. This certainly is an asset when there is so much of inelegance and à peu près, so much of obscurantism of one kind or the other. There is also a suggestion that the psychology of individuation can correct the wrongs of the human psyche. But such itself could just be a matter of belief, and the very restrictive approach would keep the will of man, his emotions, his aesthetic pursuits, his genuine religious and spiritual aspirations, the cosmic sense, the universality of the spirit, and the deeper longings of his soul away from the bright possibilities of his vision. The immortal in the mortal would continue to languish, and what would get sharpened might be only the outer persona, the surface self and not the inner reality that constitutes his inner personality and his true being. An integral view of life fulfilled in an integral way, as of an individual or of a group-soul, can alone be the valid and enduring foundation for the new age. Recognition of this spiritual fact and movement in its dynamism can alone assure the opening of horizons of the new consciousness in the glory of the spirit. This is what an enlightened soul, wherever it be, must strive to achieve.

 

If the authentic human potential has to emerge in the transformative action of the human race, then it is necessary that, by a sustained effort, we should discover ourselves first and, in that discovery, identify our will with the higher will. This is what we see in the intense as well as extensive yogic tapasya of Sri Aurobindo and the total identification of the Mother’s will with the Supreme’s Will. The Mother was concerned with the almighty powers that are locked in the physical; she awoke them and the result was that, even the body’s cells started spontaneously responding to the Divine’s Presence. Sri Aurobindo wrote in 1928: “The supramental change is a thing decreed and inevitable in the evolution of the earth-consciousness.” The supramental change was decreed by him and he and the Mother had set themselves to work out this inevitability.

 

Humanity’s conscious participation

Our hope lies in being open to the subtler nuances of the working of the forces of life that operate always within and around us. In the totality of our approach we will have to perhaps move from the rational to the luminous intuitive modes and tools of knowledge and action. Fortunate we will be if we can accept, understand and apply what has been given to us by the Seer of the New Age. The vastness of Sri Aurobindo's vision embraces the human difficulties in their several dimensions and offers to them fulfilling solutions. The real problem of the society, as in the case of the individual, is for it to find its soul, the true collective soul. Certainly, it is that which alone can guide it on its evolutionary march towards the emergence of a spiritualised humanity. In its absence, the external ego-self is bound to prove to be a false light; this will also imply that excessive subjectivism of the crude vitalistic kind cannot but lead it to disintegration and destruction. There has to be a conviction that, culmination of the social development into the Age of the ageless Spirit is the secret urge and motivating force behind the evolutionary Nature’s long painstaking and patient working. Humanity’s conscious participation in it will assuredly hasten this triumph and this glory. The soul of India has the intuition of perceiving these possibilities and India’s freedom is meant for its growth in the progression of the manifesting spirit. If this can be kept as the focus, the celebration of India’s sixty years of independence will then be truly significant.

 


PS

Sri Aurobindo’s letter to Dilip Kumar Roy, dated 4 April 1950:

 

India is free and her freedom was necessary if the Divine Work was to be done. The difficulties that surround her now and may increase for a time, especially with regard to the Pakistan imbroglio, were also things that had to come and to be cleared out…  Here too there is sure to be a full clearance, though unfortunately, a considerable amount of human suffering in the process is inevitable. (Sri Aurobindo on Himself, Vol. 26, p. 172)

 

Perhaps this situation, of “considerable amount of human suffering”, would not have arisen had the Cripps Proposals in 1942 been accepted. In their rejection the Mother saw ‘calamity’ befalling India and she had told it so. There is no point in lamenting now at the wisdom of the ‘best leaders’ of the time, because it is the noble life-force, the wonderful essentiality, the precious self of the people that has to recognize the values in which they should live and thrive, in which they should conduct themselves; it is their perception and awareness of the authentic spirit of the country that alone can give to them the true dignity, the glory of the growing soul. Will that happen? Things don't look too bright at the moment.